part One
Although the history of the middle class in Iraq belongs to the birth of the Iraqi state in 1921, it owes its rise to the spread of regular schools and higher institutes, the development of the press, the growth of social, cultural and economic associations and the enrollment of graduates in public positions, as well as the replacement of the class (Afandi) And the owners of land (and semi-feudalism), which came due to external factors and internal factors, the writer Salah Hassan al-Musawi in his study entitled (the role of the middle class in Iraq) published in (Voice of the Iraqi left 2009), namely:International politics after World War I, the success of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and its implications for the East and the fourteen principles of President Nelson proclaimed in his address to Congress on January 18, 1918, focused on the reconstruction of international peace and security, including his focus on the importance of giving non-peoples Turkish right to self-determination and provide free shipping and passage of goods, and so on.
All these factors, he says, fueled the emergence of the middle class, which united with the rise of education and the emergence of the national bourgeoisie (the national market) commercial and industrial, whose main demand was the participation of power and not limited to members of the feudal class represented by tribal sheikhs, Who was educated in Astana or the West.
The transformation of the market system, as the late thinker Hanna Batato in his analysis of the social classes in Iraq, was due to the concentration of land in the hands of a small number of semi-feudal financiers to carry out another function of maintaining order. This led to the collapse of the system of self-sufficiency of the peasantry masses A wide range of rural Iraq to its cities and the agricultural community to a severe human deficiency in favor of cities and work in the service sector and fusion middle class gradually, but work on its inception.
It is interesting to note that Batato in his study of modern Iraqi society succeeded in his methodology, which came from a combination of Fibriya and Marxism, as the sociologist Ibrahim Al-Haidari says in his article entitled "Hanna Batato and Analysis of the Social Classes in Iraq." Al-Haidari concludes: In addition to the hierarchy of wealth. . . In the early 1940s and 1950s, the landowners formed a class of their own, and began to call themselves politically for the emergence of the middle class that had taken over. The growth and growth of the urban population and the rise of those living in Baghdad increased four times between 1922 and 1957, especially after the decomposition of the feudal clique and the flow of oil revenues, which contributed to the disintegration of the rural hierarchy, the transition to a commercial and industrial market economy, The spread of education, health, roads and transportation has helped to give rise to a new social force: the intelligentsia or intellectuals who developed ideological factors such as the national spirit or the connection to the international or religious feeling, as well as the ability to express their views. The rise of the middle class and the loss of the ruling class (landlords, feudalists, etc.) have placed their positions in favor of the middle class.
It is clear that the central importance of the middle class and its historical role comes from the fact that it is a transitional class in which various class or class interests are accommodated and that its historical role, as sociologist Lutfi Hatem says in his study entitled "The middle class and its role in the destruction of the Iraqi state" The historical situation in Iraq has gained importance because of the absence of the active role of the bourgeois classes and the working class, as well as the weak political effectiveness of the working class resulting from their weak economic positions due to their growth and development in the services sector.
Hatem believes that the requirement for the growth and expansion of British capital requires a state that is the political and social lever capable of protecting British interests. Hatem did not overlook the mechanisms of growth of the middle class, which he summed up with the state employees of educated elites and the access of its technical, legal, military, administrative, security and other services. Also the growth of commodity production and the role of workers and craftsmen in integrating the market system and belonging to the middle class as a broad social base supported by the rural forces of small agricultural owners Make Iraq's rural areas an added force to the middle class and expand its base.
The multiplicity of social resources of the middle class and their bearing on the legacy of the various tribal values and cultures created by the cold war have led to the inability of the middle class to build itself into a leading political force that is a unified reference because of the cultural divide that sowed the seeds of its fragmentation and division between nationalist / religious currents and secular / socialist currents.
Nevertheless, the middle class was able to meet the same noble goal of fighting the country's dependence on colonial alliances and joining under the leadership of the Free Officers, governed by the military hierarchy and revolutionary revolutionary spirit of the revolution in July 1958 and the overthrow of the monarchy and the building of the republican political system. Military Organization and Transformations of Political Thought, Urban Dialogue, August 2013).
SOURCE
Although the history of the middle class in Iraq belongs to the birth of the Iraqi state in 1921, it owes its rise to the spread of regular schools and higher institutes, the development of the press, the growth of social, cultural and economic associations and the enrollment of graduates in public positions, as well as the replacement of the class (Afandi) And the owners of land (and semi-feudalism), which came due to external factors and internal factors, the writer Salah Hassan al-Musawi in his study entitled (the role of the middle class in Iraq) published in (Voice of the Iraqi left 2009), namely:International politics after World War I, the success of the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and its implications for the East and the fourteen principles of President Nelson proclaimed in his address to Congress on January 18, 1918, focused on the reconstruction of international peace and security, including his focus on the importance of giving non-peoples Turkish right to self-determination and provide free shipping and passage of goods, and so on.
All these factors, he says, fueled the emergence of the middle class, which united with the rise of education and the emergence of the national bourgeoisie (the national market) commercial and industrial, whose main demand was the participation of power and not limited to members of the feudal class represented by tribal sheikhs, Who was educated in Astana or the West.
The transformation of the market system, as the late thinker Hanna Batato in his analysis of the social classes in Iraq, was due to the concentration of land in the hands of a small number of semi-feudal financiers to carry out another function of maintaining order. This led to the collapse of the system of self-sufficiency of the peasantry masses A wide range of rural Iraq to its cities and the agricultural community to a severe human deficiency in favor of cities and work in the service sector and fusion middle class gradually, but work on its inception.
It is interesting to note that Batato in his study of modern Iraqi society succeeded in his methodology, which came from a combination of Fibriya and Marxism, as the sociologist Ibrahim Al-Haidari says in his article entitled "Hanna Batato and Analysis of the Social Classes in Iraq." Al-Haidari concludes: In addition to the hierarchy of wealth. . . In the early 1940s and 1950s, the landowners formed a class of their own, and began to call themselves politically for the emergence of the middle class that had taken over. The growth and growth of the urban population and the rise of those living in Baghdad increased four times between 1922 and 1957, especially after the decomposition of the feudal clique and the flow of oil revenues, which contributed to the disintegration of the rural hierarchy, the transition to a commercial and industrial market economy, The spread of education, health, roads and transportation has helped to give rise to a new social force: the intelligentsia or intellectuals who developed ideological factors such as the national spirit or the connection to the international or religious feeling, as well as the ability to express their views. The rise of the middle class and the loss of the ruling class (landlords, feudalists, etc.) have placed their positions in favor of the middle class.
It is clear that the central importance of the middle class and its historical role comes from the fact that it is a transitional class in which various class or class interests are accommodated and that its historical role, as sociologist Lutfi Hatem says in his study entitled "The middle class and its role in the destruction of the Iraqi state" The historical situation in Iraq has gained importance because of the absence of the active role of the bourgeois classes and the working class, as well as the weak political effectiveness of the working class resulting from their weak economic positions due to their growth and development in the services sector.
Hatem believes that the requirement for the growth and expansion of British capital requires a state that is the political and social lever capable of protecting British interests. Hatem did not overlook the mechanisms of growth of the middle class, which he summed up with the state employees of educated elites and the access of its technical, legal, military, administrative, security and other services. Also the growth of commodity production and the role of workers and craftsmen in integrating the market system and belonging to the middle class as a broad social base supported by the rural forces of small agricultural owners Make Iraq's rural areas an added force to the middle class and expand its base.
The multiplicity of social resources of the middle class and their bearing on the legacy of the various tribal values and cultures created by the cold war have led to the inability of the middle class to build itself into a leading political force that is a unified reference because of the cultural divide that sowed the seeds of its fragmentation and division between nationalist / religious currents and secular / socialist currents.
Nevertheless, the middle class was able to meet the same noble goal of fighting the country's dependence on colonial alliances and joining under the leadership of the Free Officers, governed by the military hierarchy and revolutionary revolutionary spirit of the revolution in July 1958 and the overthrow of the monarchy and the building of the republican political system. Military Organization and Transformations of Political Thought, Urban Dialogue, August 2013).
SOURCE